| The following opinion piece by Associate Professor of Global Studies John Collins originally appeared in the Albany, NY, Times-Union on February 1. To see the original version, click here.
As the situation in Iraq continues to deteriorate, American politicians and military strategists continue to demonstrate their failure to generate truly bold, creative ideas on how to break the cycle of violence. President Bush's recent decision to augment the American military presence in Iraq is a product of the same constricted mentality that reduces all debate on Iraq to a narrow set of equally depressing options: more troops, the same number of troops, or fewer troops.
With such a limited range of choices on the table, and with the issue of U.S. support for Israel nowhere near the table, it seems clear that U.S. policy in the Middle East will not change significantly despite the Democratic victory in the 2006 midterm elections.
Many of us who have spent time in the region, however, understand the utter folly of this policy. Numerous analysts correctly predicted that the application of the "Bush Doctrine" would only produce more anger, more resistance and more violence affecting the lives of millions across the globe.
We need to remind ourselves of how long this has gone on. For decades, our government has been addicted to cheap oil, addicted to a one-sided policy in Israel/Palestine, addicted to repressive Arab regimes that serve shortsighted U.S. interests, and addicted to profit-driven military intervention. More recently, the United States has found itself victimized by organized violence emanating from the region, fueling further hatred and mistrust on all sides.
How can we possibly rewrite this script?
How can we heal such a tortured relationship between ourselves and the people of the Arab and Muslim worlds?
One possible answer lies in the idea of reconciliation found in so many religious traditions. We know from a variety of cases, most notably South Africa, that official efforts at reconciliation, while never perfect, can serve as remarkable opportunities for collective healing and truth-telling.
A direct statement from the President expressing a desire for reconciliation with the Arab and Islamic worlds would be a dramatic gesture whose impact on public opinion would be immediate. It would help because many Arabs and Muslims pay close attention to the words of American officials. It would help because the roots of their anger at the United States lie in real U.S. actions that have generated real feelings of powerlessness and humiliation.
Such a statement, broadcast across the Middle East, might look like this:
"I am speaking directly to you today because I believe that we must break the pattern of violence, mistrust, and hatred that has existed for too long between our peoples. To do this, we must overcome the weight of a dark and shameful history. All of us will need to take an honest look at ourselves and our actions. My remarks today are a first step in that direction.
"I acknowledge that my country has often played a destructive role in the Arab and Islamic worlds. Our invasion of Iraq is the latest example of this pattern. We have devastated families, communities, and nations and we have done little to promote the human freedom and prosperity that you crave. We have been active participants in the oppression of the Palestinian people and allies of regimes that trample on basic human rights.
"I know that many of you can testify to the injustices you have suffered as a result of our often misguided policies. In some cases our actions were well intended, but in many other cases they were motivated by ignorance, prejudice, and greed.
"It is also true that in recent years, some Arabs and Muslims have engaged in their own unjustifiable violence against the United States. These actions, especially the September 11 attacks, have deeply wounded our people and have contributed to a climate of fear and vengeance that still afflicts our country.
"My message to you today is more than an apology, and more than a request for an apology. My message to you is this: We want to be reconciled with you. We want to start a new chapter based on the conviction that we are equals and that all of us deserve to be treated as human beings."
As our friends in South Africa will attest, reconciliation is not an easy process, nor is it a magical cure. But as a way to move past a history of violence and degradation, it is much more fruitful than a continuation of violence and degradation.
In a spirit of genuine contrition and friendship, I propose that we begin a dialogue at all levels on the question of how we can best move ahead in a way that brings the truth of past deeds to light, respects the dignity of victims on all sides, and points the way to a more equitable and peaceful future."
Needless to say, there is little chance that the current U.S. president would even consider giving such a speech, nor is there any indication that John Kerry would have considered it had he prevailed in the 2004 elections. For all people of conscience, therefore, the task must be to create a movement that will demand a new approach from both parties, and the sooner the better. It is time for a change in the way we conduct ourselves in the world. It is time for reconciliation.
John Collins teaches at St. Lawrence University. He is the author of "Occupied by Memory: The Intifada Generation and the Palestinian State of Emergency" and the co-editor (with Ross Glover) of "Collateral Language: A User's Guide to America's New War." |